A Short History of Reconstruction [Updated Edition]: How emancipated Black Americans and white Southerners rebuilt the South and fought for equal ... Civil War (Harper Perennial Modern Classics)

Not only is this a riveting account of one of our country’s most shameful periods, but it is highly relevant – even essential – to understanding the racial conflicts that are again arising in the United States today. The roots of our current racial attitudes lie in the causes and outcome of the Civil War. Many of those factors are still in play today, most significantly a lingering racism. While the country has clearly made considerable progress in race relations in the past half century, including the election of a black president, racism is still a powerful force, which has been made obvious by racially-motivated animosity toward that same black president. Reconstruction was a direct outgrowth of the Civil War-era emancipation movement and a drive to achieve full equality and citizenship for free blacks after slavery ended. The effort had three phases: 1. Presidential Reconstruction under President Andrew Johnson, which emphasized local rule in the former Confederacy, leniency toward former Confederates, and a reluctance to grant blacks full equality, which could lead to black power over whites where blacks were a majority in the deep South. Republican Reconstruction governments were largely made up of northern unionists (called “carpetbaggers”) and loyal southerners who had opposed the Confederacy, many of whom served in the Union Army (called “scalawags”), and free blacks, who were allowed to vote, hold public office, and serve on juries. But, little enforcement of equal rights was undertaken and southern states were able to undo progressive Reconstruction measures and return blacks to a state that was called “slavery in all but name.” Repressive measures included forced labor contracts, vagrancy laws that imprisoned anyone refusing to work, punishment for alleged violations of contracts, sharecropping that cheated black tenant farmers and, most crucially, inability of blacks to own land. Preventing blacks from voting in areas where they were a large majority resulted in minority white governments, dominated by the old planters, that continued to subject blacks to unequal status. 2. Radical Reconstruction replaced Presidential Reconstruction, which was overturned by the Radical Republican majority in Congress, which also unsuccessfully tried to impeach Johnson. The new policy retained full civil and legal rights for blacks and placed progressive or radical Republicans in office in the southern states. Blacks again held office, voted, and served on juries, but there was no real land reform that would have broken up plantations and permitted sales of smaller plots to black farmers, nor any federal funding to assist free blacks in purchasing land. Aside from racial motivations, some charged that this constituted confiscation of private property and was unacceptable. Because the former plantations were never broken up, and no real land reform adopted, blacks were denied a crucial avenue to economic progress and equality. The author identifies this as, perhaps, the most important issue in Reconstruction and a key reason why it ultimately failed. Although free blacks were granted civil and legal equality under both forms of Reconstruction, there was reluctance among whites, even radicals, to grant social equality to them. Whites, especially in the South, but also some free blacks did not believe it was wise or prudent to push full integration. Blacks placed a higher priority on their economic advancement, particularly land ownership, and emphasized the need for education, regardless of whether it took place in integrated or segregated schools. They were happy to see more black teachers and other professionals working in the South, even if it was under segregated conditions. What was not foreseen was the eventual deterioration of such an arrangement into separate and distinctly unequal facilities, including schools, as well as the institution of separate public accommodations, including transportation facilities, hotels, restaurants, theaters, an even drinking fountains. 3. The end of Reconstruction. Although the collapse of Reconstruction resulted from several factors, the strongest force opposing it was racism, both North and South. The Republican party never came close to enjoying a majority of white support in the South, even in the upcountry areas, such as eastern Tennessee, where many whites had remained loyal to the union and served in the Union army. In the deep south, where free blacks were a majority, whites fought to roll back civil rights laws that effectively put blacks in control of state and local governments. Even among northern Republicans, there was reluctance to accept blacks as equals. Eventually, internal factionalism among Republicans, as well as Democrats and even among black elites, led to new political alignments and coalitions that saw a decline in concern for the freed blacks, who relied heavily on federal intervention to enforce civil rights laws. Within a decade of Reconstruction’s enthusiastic and optimistic beginning, its goals were largely abandoned. Economic depression after the Civil War played a role in preventing the government from achieving its initial Reconstruction goals. Ideally, many Republicans and even former Confederates wanted to reform the South into a more industrial region, reduce the size of plantations and redistribute land in smaller plots to free blacks and poor whites. White yeoman farmers living in the upcountry, where plantations were not practical, owned few, if any, slaves, did not support the Confederacy, and long resented the planters, who were an elite ruling class prior to the Civil War. Large plantation owners were a small minority of southern whites, yet they controlled government and used it to the detriment of poorer whites. Taxes on small farmers were typically higher than those paid by large plantation owners, for example. However, economic depression following the war brought sharply lower prices for cotton and a severe lack of credit. Reconstruction governments ran high deficits in trying to generate programs for the poor and free blacks and, eventually, corruption hindered the program as well. Redistribution of land was crucial to free blacks who felt they were entitled to plantation land due to centuries of having worked it in slavery, for no reward, while enriching their white masters and all who profited from the products that resulted from their crops. Cotton, for example, didn't only make planters rich, but also manufacturers of textiles. Blacks were applying the Lockean principle that a person who mixed his labor with the soil achieved ownership of it. Denying blacks land ownership deprived them of one of the most important means of achieving economic equality. The Republican Party, which had championed Reconstruction and black equality, became increasingly tied to big industry, which sought to limit the rights of workers (black and white) to organize, strike, or demand an equal role with capital. Gradually, industry, especially the railroads, controlled government policy through massive corruption influence peddling. Federal troops who were stationed in the South to enforce Reconstruction civil rights laws where removed and used instead to break strikes in the north. A new, harsh class system emerged that restricted worker rights and ended efforts to advance blacks. In the South, a lack of federal involvement or commitment led to new state governments that instituted laws that restricted or eliminated black voting rights, labor bargaining power, access to public accommodations, and returned them to a labor system not far removed from slavery. Although these “Redeemer” governments all but eliminated public spending on education or much of anything else, it did expand the prison system and instituted repressive laws that placed thousands of blacks and poor whites in prison for the most minor violations. The old vagrancy laws incarcerated anyone refusing work, even if it was offered at low wages or on a corrupt sharecropping basis that routinely cheated the sharecropper. The high prison population provided a free work force for industries when prisoners were forced to work for them without pay. During Reconstruction, whites resorted to violence, through the Ku Klux Klan and later more openly, to intimidate blacks and Republican Reconstruction officials. Many were murdered and black neighborhoods were burned down in retaliation for blacks attempting to vote or campaign. Republican officials were assassinated, beaten, and driven from the South. Although federal forces put a stop to much of this for a time, within a few years the government reduced or eliminated enforcement and withdrew from the South, leaving the way clear for white supremacists to take power, curtail or eliminate black voting and other rights, and effectively end Reconstruction. Republicans abandoned Reconstruction partly because they feared losing the South to the Democrats and thought that they could minimize the damage by accommodating white southern racial attitudes. The failure of Reconstruction ushered in a century of Jim Crow laws, disenfranchisement and second-class citizenship for blacks. Nonetheless, the author does point to some progress for blacks during the period, particularly the strengthening of the black social community, churches and schools. Memories of the brief period when they were treated equally also inspired free blacks to hope that things could again improve for them, although it would take another century for that to happen. The book touches on women’s issues during the period, pointing out the efforts of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony to include women as part of the new liberalization and egalitarian movement. Their efforts were frustrated as little attention was paid to their demands or to the contributions and achievements of women in the United States. The author sees genuine weaknesses in Reconstruction, but clearly believes that, despite many factors playing a role in the policy and its failure, the overriding element that doomed Reconstruction was racism, both North and South. White supremacy in the South took violent, brutal form, but it existed more benignly in the North as well. By the mid 1870s, many Americans harbored openly racist views and few regarded blacks as equals or capable of ever becoming equal. Many spoke openly about an inherent inferiority in the black race that doomed them to a permanent place of inferiority.

Eric Foner’s A Short History of Reconstruction is a thorough and detailed examination of Reconstruction. Foner offers an abundance of primary and secondary sources used to dismantle the Dunning perspective on Reconstruction and post-Civil War history of the South. Labelling A Short History of Reconstruction a monograph is limiting because Foner opens Reconstruction up revealing economic, political, diplomatic and cultural influences and pressures found in the complexity of the post-Civil War era. Foner provides a relatively linear timeline of events going chapter by chapter from pre-Civil War into Redemption or the affected end of Reconstruction. Foner lays out the ground-work like a director foreshadowing in the early chapters and concluding, in part, in later chapters. Foner uses Chapter 4 to examine labor in a generalized way noting existing and emerging planters' need for workers were at odds with freedman’s desire to become a self-made yeoman. Foner shows the broken promises of the Freedmen’s Bureau and its paper tiger leadership. The Freedmen’s Bureau acts like a paternalistic government agency essentially trying to “Nudge” the freedman to give up their idea of land ownership and accept the developing status quo of white “Redemption”. Foner uses Chapter 12 how fully the Freedmen’s Bureau failed to provide even a modicum of Reconstruction guarantees while watching the white Southern Redemption take hold in the South creating the elements for the decades of civil rights issues, protests and conflicts to follow. Foner’s A Short History of Reconstruction contributes impeccably to the analysis of post-Civil War history at a near encyclopedic level. Foner cited sources alone advanced Reconstruction history but taken individually are not as complete. Foner’s A Short History of Reconstruction does not just provide a launch point for Reconstruction study, but it is the study. Questions that arrive while reading A Short History of Reconstruction Foner answer in time. Foner so fully challenged the Dunning School that it is hard to imagine it managed to persist for over thirty years in academia and therefore politics and culture.

I would have rated this very important and excellently written book with 5 stars but there are a lot of typos that are extremely distracting. In several places, capital "B"s become "R"s. Examples: "Blacks" become "Rlacks" and "Bequeathing" becomes "Requeathing". There are many places where periods exist that should be commas. There are many places where " starts a phrase or quote but there is no " to end the phrase or quote. There are other examples that I won't go into here. Shame on the publisher for doing such a sloppy job on this very important history.

A nice condensed version of Eric Foner's Reconstruction. This review combines the unabridged and short history editions. Foner begins with an assessment of the historiography up to 1988. In the first decade of the 1900s, William Dunning and John W. Burgess articulated a history of Reconstruction that condemned Radical Republicans, Northern carpetbaggers, Southern scalawags, and freedmen. W.E.B. Du Bois, in 1935, and Howard Beale, in the 1940s, initiated the revisionist school, which cast Northern policymakers and freedmen in a more positive light. Foner writes of the revisionist school, “Reconstruction revisionism bore the mark of the modern civil rights movement” (<i>Short History of Reconstruction</i>, xiii). Despite their efforts to portray Reconstruction as a revolutionary moment, the social situation of the 1950s and 1960s belied that interpretation and fostered postrevisionist critiques. Foner admits the faults of the Dunning method, but believes it offered the best synthesis of the era. His work “aims to combine the Dunning School’s aspiration to a broad interpretive framework with the findings and concerns of recent scholarship” (xxiv). Summarizing the book’s impact in 2014, Foner wrote, “By the time my book appeared numerous scholars had exposed one or another weakness of the Dunning interpretation. Reconstruction was to drive the final nail into the coffin of the Dunning School and to offer an alternative account of the era” (<i>Updated Edition</i>,xxxi). Foner describes the impact of his work by citing historians who use the “unfinished revolution” framework to examine the disappointments of Reconstruction, including Stephen Kantrowitz’s <i>More Than Freedom</i> (<i>Updated Edition</i>, xl). Foner presents a four-part argument in Reconstruction. First and foremost, he argues that African Americans “were active agents in the making of Reconstruction” (xxiv). Additionally, he argues that the changes during Reconstruction resulted from “a complex series of interactions among blacks and whites, Northerners and Southerners, in which victories were often tentative and outcomes subject to challenge and revision” (xxv). Third, “racism was an intrinsic part of the progress of historical development, which affected and was affected by changes in the social and political order” (xxvi). Finally, the same economic and class changes that occurred in the South were simultaneously occurring in the North. Elaborating on his first point, Foner writes, “Black soldiers played a crucial role not only in winning the Civil War, but in defining the war’s consequences. Their service helped transform the nation’s treatment of blacks and blacks’ conception of themselves” (8). Foner writes of black Republicans, “The spectacle of former slaves representing the lowcountry rice kingdom or the domain of Natchez cotton nabobs epitomized the political revolution wrought by Reconstruction” (355). When addressing class issues, Foner describes the conflict between elite and common Southerners as “a civil war within the Civil War” (15). Discussing the impact of racism on politics, Foner writes, “Even where blacks enjoyed greater influence within the party, Republican governors initially employed their influence to defeat civil rights bills or vetoed them when passed, fearing that such measures threatened the attempt to establish their administrations’ legitimacy by wooing white support” (370). Elaborating on his Southerners’ reactions to Northern involvement in the South, Foner argues against the traditional narrative of carpetbaggers, writing, “Despite instances of violent hostility or ostracism, most Southern planters recognized that Northern investment, ironically, was raising land prices and rescuing many former slaveholders from debt – in a word, stabilizing their class” (137). Foner describes the economic changes of Reconstruction, writing, “Republican rule subtly altered the balance of power in the rural South” (401), and planters, “once alone at the apex of Southern society, they now saw other groups rising in economic importance” (399). To Foner, the Northern Reconstruction involved increasing industrialization, government activism and public reform, wage-earning dominating jobs, new social opportunities for African Americans, and the rise of Gilded Age politics (460-511). Foner draws upon various manuscripts and letters in archives throughout the United States, government documents such as Congressional records, newspapers, contemporary publications from the time of Reconstruction, and memoirs written after the fact. He also performs a great deal of synthesis of the various parts of the historiography, working to undo the legacy of the Dunning School’s racism. As Foner wrote in 2014, “Most books in the New American Nation Series summarize, often very ably, the current state of historical scholarship, rather than rely on new research” (<i>Updated Edition</i>, xxix). His contribution blends the two approaches.

I Wish They Had Stayed The Course Eric Foner is the preeminent historian of the Reconstruction, having written about it for three decades and won the available major prizes for his books. This, the most recent edition of his short history of Reconstruction, will be just right for some readers, while others will prefer the latest edition of his longer, magisterial work on the topic. Early Reconstruction effort were begun by the Union Army during the Civil War, After Lincoln's assassination, in Andrew Johnson's administration, his go slow policies resulted in Impeachment, which he survived by one vote. After the 1868 election, a Radical Republican Congress and President Grant embarked on a far more ambitious program for 8 years. However, the next Republican President, Rutherford B Hayes. faced by an economic Depression and decreasing public support for Reconstruction programs, as well as increasingly intransigent opposition in the South, pulled out the army and ended the Reconstruction efforts in the South. Much had been done, not all according to plan. Former slaves were now living in nuclear families, often on their sharecropping land, and there were black schools, black churches, black associations, as well as some enforced legal rights for former slaves. agricultural production, and notably the export of cotton had been restored. Means had been found to bring the southern states back into the political institutions of the Union. Foner gives a succinct account of what happened and why. Here is a summary of the discussion of the book by a history book club. j.mp/1Ls5UPu

This is the 2nd book that I have read by Eric Foner on Reconstruction. They really never cover this in U.S. History in high school, which is shameful. Everyone should read this book because "History Really Does Repeat Itself" and it is important to understand what happened, why it happened, why it failed and how the entire process repeated itself under LBJ and somewhat has failed. I would recommend this book to anyone and it is an important part of U.S. history, and in my opinion, is covered very inadequately in our schools today.

Important overview of a significant but little understood period in US history.

Probably about the most depressing chapter in American history. Hard to enjoy this book, but hard to ignore it, too. Explains a lot about current situations.

Pour comprendre l es Etats Unis d'aujourd'hui cette histoire de la Reconstruction période qui a suivi la guerre de Sécession est indispensable. Ce livre est le résumé d'un livre écrit par le même auteur (professeur d'histoire dans une grande université américaine).Il ouvre les yeux sur l'échec de cette période qui donna des droits aux Noirs et, très rapidement, les confina dans un rôle de seconde zone et, dans le Sud surtout à une grande pauvreté.

This isn't an easy book to read. It is of course an abridgment and Foner is not wanting to waste words. He is a very clear and careful writer but he brings in lots of detail and personal accounts to illustrate what he is talking about and it can seem he is making it hard to see the wood for the trees. At one point I also wondered if he was doing this because he wanted to sit on the fence and avoid making clear judgments. However as |I progressed through the book I realised that he was just trying to tell the story in a way that the reader can make his or her own judgment, and the more you get into the story the easier it gets to do this. I believe this is a very complex but important story, explaining why despite the defeat of slavery, racism had hardly begun to be defeated during and after reconstruction. It was not until the legislation passed under the presidency of Lyndon Johnson a hundred years later that racism began to be defeated. Foner is very scholarly, seems to have read all available material on his subject, and I thoroughly recommend his work. This is an abridgement

This is a fantastic piece of historiography by Foner that covers each phase of Reconstruction fairly comprehensively for the size of the book. I would recommend this book to both students and individuals interested in American history, it's a great read!

A great read, beautifully written, full of information: THE work on Reconstruction after the Civil War if you ask me!

Good book, but Kindle ed is defective: many typos, some words out of place, quotation marks haphazard, even “construction “ instead of “Constitution”.. appears to be a rough scan rather than a converted electronic file. No excuse, Amazon!!!